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That different history sets up a different description of America’s challenge today. But she’s more comfortable with a foreign policy of us-versus-them, in which America bolsters its allies and contains its foes.Warren is no hawk: She wants to reduce the defense budget, end the war in Afghanistan, and end U. Unlike Sanders, she doesn’t mention the United Nations, which Wallace saw as the vehicle for transcending great-power conflict.Read: Elizabeth Warren test-drives her presidential campaign.
Trump’s point was that America doesn’t need to be morally superior to be worthy of loyalty and love. In a world of gangsters, America should not strive to be the police.
Yet after the Iraq War, the financial crisis, and the election of Trump, progressives are less sure than they have been in decades that American victory in that great-power competition furthers the ideals they hold dear.—charts a careful course, emphasizing progressive ideals while also celebrating the American order.
In a forthcoming , South Korea and Japan.” And Warren goes easier on America’s allies.
In his Johns Hopkins speech, Sanders chastised Saudi Arabia by name 13 times. Sanders devoted a paragraph to rising authoritarianism in Israel, something Warren ignores.
For decades, every American president and major presidential candidate tried to reconcile the language of universal morality with the language of national interest. For Democrats who may be seeking to replace Trump, finding a new moral vocabulary isn’t easy.The 2020 presidential campaign is still in its infancy.But it’s already becoming clear that when it comes to foreign policy, Warren’s vision is more conventional; Bernie Sanders’s is more radical. In the tradition of Henry Wallace, George Mc Govern, and Jesse Jackson, Sanders has decoupled progressive ideals from American dominance.Then, last month, in a speech at Johns Hopkins, he included both U. He mentioned China only three times: twice as a potential partner in fighting climate change and once as a potential partner in denuclearizing North Korea.Peter Beinart: Bernie Sanders offers a foreign policy for the common man. Instead of separating the pursuit of progressive ideals from the maintenance of American dominance, Warren tries—uncomfortably—to square the two.Unlike Sanders, she doesn’t challenge the narrative of a virtuous cold war in which America rose to superpower status while at the same time spreading liberty and prosperity. “There’s a story we tell as Americans, about how we built an international order—one based on democracy, human rights, and improving economic standards of living for everyone,” Warren’s speech will declare.“It wasn’t perfect—we weren’t perfect—but our foreign policy benefited a lot of people around the world.” If Sanders is echoing Henry Wallace—the Democrat who in the 1940s challenged the necessity of a cold war—Warren is taking the more conventional path of depicting herself as the heir to Harry Truman.In this way, she’s closer to Barack Obama and Hillary Clinton, who tried to contain China and cooperate with it at the same time, than to Sanders, who doesn’t describe it as a rival at all. Almost 75 years ago, superpower rivalry split the American left.If her vision is less radical, it may also be more realistic—more inclined to see the world as it is, rather than as we might wish it to be. If Sanders wants America to avoid a great power showdown with China, he must explain whether he’s willing to grant China a sphere of influence in order to do so, as Wallace was prepared to grant the U. Today, as China increasingly becomes the dominant issue in American foreign policy, Sanders’s and Warren’s competing responses show how it may do so again.Warren wants to work with Beijing, in particular, against climate change.But she also wants America to maintain the international order that it has dominated, and prevent a rising China from establishing a sphere of influence. If Warren thinks such a contest is inevitable, she must explain how pursuing it will further—rather than undermine—progressive ideals.